Sunday, 13 July 2014

Beyond the margins



I have not read Laurie Penny's latest book. This blogpost needs to start with that disclaimer. Nor do I have any interest in giving succour to the Penny-bashing industry. I was, however, intrigued by this review of Unspeakable Things.

This passage in particular captures well the attitude of much of the new Left:

...Her constituency, she says, is the underclass – gay and transgender people, goths, sex workers, rioters, anarchists – arguably the people with the most to lose from the neoliberalist (sic) agenda. 
Now, I would want to quibble with this reckoning of late capitalism's worst victims. I severely doubt that anyone ever finished a sixteen hour shift in a Chinese factory only to sigh "well at least I'm not a goth anarchist, that would be really terrible". But what is striking is the gap between this view, that sees the margins as the most politically fertile site, and the view of a Marx, who viewed socialism as "the movement of the immense majority in the interests of the immense majority". Marx was, on this as on much else, correct. Any socialism which does not arise from, and engage with, a social majority will end in either failure or tyranny. The 20th century gave us plenty of experience of both.

To say this is not for one moment to downplay the role of marginalised groups and cultures in the formation of a viable Left. As I see it, though, the role of socialist politics is to forge bonds of solidarity between these groups and a movement of the immense majority (not least, of course, because the groups are not disjoint: some workers are LGBT etc.). The margins are not a great place to be. They are, well, marginal. In fact, one of the worst features of capitalist patriarchy is its continual creation of margins, of new ways of excluding people.

All of which, given capitalism, is a roundabout way of urging that we don't ignore class. The working class, in all its diversity, fragmentation, and recomposition, remains the only collective agent with both the potential strength and the interest to move humanity beyond capitalism. Much though it might be easier to win a collective of student activists over to anti-capitalism, the task that matters is winning over the people on the tube, most of whom are not signed up leftists, and many of whom are not really that marginal. All of this requires patient, hard work, and isn't the least bit exciting or sexy.

Anyway, here's Herbert Marcuse on the old new Left. The first time as tragedy:

Support Gaza



Ironically, as a great believer in organisation, I'm not a great one for joining things. However, I've just joined the Palestine Solidarity Campaign. Please consider doing likewise yourself here.

If you want reasons, here are 176 of them. The PSC also have an excellent briefing on the current situation here.


Sunday, 6 July 2014

Book Recommendation : Seymour on Austerity



I'm rather belatedly reading my way through Richard Seymour's latest book, Against Austerity. I may engage with it in depth on this blog at some point; then again, I may not. Either way, you should read it. The book presents us with a thorough diagnosis of the confection of ideology, economic strategy, and social policy that goes under the name 'austerity'. Particular strengths include a recognition that austerity is a class strategy (and therefore that liberal complaints that austerity doesn't work, that is, doesn't restore growth and reduce deficits, miss the point), a critique of nostalgic defences of the welfare state (Spirit of '45 and all that...), and a blunt recognition that austerity commands a level of popular support, or at least acquiescence, that flies in the face of a misplaced pollyannaism common on the Left. This last point is made in the context of an excellent discussion of ideology.

The overall tone of the book is one of pessimism without hopelessness. Again, this is a needed antidote for much of the Left. It deserves reading; and it deserves reading particularly on the Labour Left - which is particularly prone to some of the mistakes catalogued by Seymour: naive critiques of austerity as bad economics and welfare nostalgia. We are not always very good at engaging with stuff from outside our own stable. At the very least, this book should be an exception. It is far more politically sophisticated than the standard issue stuff on austerity post-2008, and is a welcome contribution from one of the best minds on the contemporary British Left.

Friday, 6 June 2014

Things can only get better?



Those Newark election results in full, lovingly pilfered from the Grauniad website:
Robert Jenrick (C) 17,431 (45.03%, -8.82%)
Roger Helmer (Ukip) 10,028 (25.91%, +22.09%)
Michael Payne (Lab) 6,842 (17.68%, -4.65%)
Paul Baggaley (Ind) 1,891 (4.89%)
David Kirwan (Green) 1,057 (2.73%)
David Watts (LD) 1,004 (2.59%, -17.41%)
Nick The Flying Brick (Loony) 168 (0.43%)
Andy Hayes (Ind) 117 (0.30%)
David Bishop (BP Elvis) 87 (0.22%)
Dick Rodgers (Stop Banks) 64 (0.17%)
Lee Woods (Pat Soc) 18 (0.05%)
C maj 7,403 (19.13%)
15.46% swing C to UKIP
Electorate 73,486; Turnout 38,707 (52.67%, -18.69%)
Contrary to the line that we reached peak-UKIP a couple of weeks ago, the beyond-yucky prospect of UKIP sex scandals doesn't seem to have done the acceptable face of electoral racism any harm whatsoever. And that UKIP swing didn't just come from Tory voters, and I strongly suspect that the true extent of Labour's trouble here is concealed by 2010 Lib Dem voters switching to Labour.

Labour won Newark in 1997.

Friday Video Corner

Monday, 2 June 2014

Good riddance



Ordinary people in Spain have suffered more than many others in the aftermath of the financial crisis. I suppose, then, that it is some comfort that their Parasite-in-Chief has abdicated.

Right now, however, I want to call shenanigans on the 'man who oversaw the transition to democracy' narrative being weaved by the press. The simple truth about the Spanish monarchy is that it would not exist were it not for Franco. That dictator, himself a monarchist (in classically fascist fashion, the Spanish State was an emergency measure, for a state of exception), stole Spain from the Republic, and made it once again safe for its aristocracy.

All monarchy is drenched in blood. In the case of Spain, the blood is barely dry.



Sunday, 1 June 2014

Sunday Quicky - Answer this



A question for you. The London Borough of Barnet has one of the nastiest Tory Councils in the country, intent on privatisation and social cleansing. The Tories have just held it by the narrowest of margins*. Here are the results from the key Childs Hill ward:

Local election results 22 May 2014- Childs Hill
Name of candidateDescription (if any)Number of votes recorded
AJAKAIYE AdeLabour Party Candidate1408
COHEN Jack BernardLiberal Democrat1509 (elected)
DAVIES Jonathan MauriceLiberal Democrat1198
GROVER Rohit RoshyanConservative Party Candidate1500
HENRY Charlotte AlexandraLiberal Democrat1222
MARASCO Francesco EdoardoGreen Party501
PATEL NilaLabour Party Candidate1381
RYDE ShimonConservative Party Candidate1544 (elected)
SMITH AndrewLabour Party Candidate1463
ZINKIN PeterConservative Party Candidate1536 (elected)
You'll note that the difference between the highest Labour vote and the lowest Tory vote is easily less than the Green candidate's vote.

Now, tell me this - I'm particularly interested in the views of those leftists who advocated a Greeen vote - what was achieved by voting Green in this ward? Or indeed by the Greens standing at all?

This post is really just a forerunner of a more thorough discussion of why I think it is still right for socialists to vote Labour, and for that matter to be in Labour, but this kind of thing really annoys me.




*One seat. Voting in a safe Labour ward was delayed because of the death of a candidate.